Die Dokumentation wirft einen kritischen Blick auf die Entstehung der heutigen Konsumgesellschaft. Es wird erklärt was “geplante Obsoleszenz” ist und wie dadurch unser enormes (Wirtschafts-)Wachstum erst möglich wurde. Doch unbegrenztes Wachstum ist in einer begrenzten Welt nicht möglich, und so zeigt der Film gegen Ende Alternativen und Lösungswege auf, die uns hoffentlich eines Tages aus diesem Dilemma heraushelfen werden.
Film prikazuje življenje prosilcev za azil v Sloveniji od januarja 2008 do avgusta 2009, ko se je začel javni, medijsko izpostavljen boj proti tovrstnemu tretmaju ljudi. Vsebinsko film prikazuje fizično, psihično in sistemsko nasilje nad prosilci za azil, ki je v Slovenskem prostoru vsepogostejše. Azilni dom je postal sredstvo odvračanja prosilcev za azil in izginjanje pravice do azila, namesto da bi bil institucija njihove zaščite. Vse večja represija nad prosilci za azil sovpada s trendom zaostrovanja azilne zakonodaje. Film izpostavlja strukturo same ureditve azilnega prava, njeno zaostrovanje, izginjanje pravice do azila, kriminalizacijo prosilcev za azil, fizično, psihično in sistemsko nasilje nad prosilci za azil, govori o nastajanju evropskega aparheida, o sistemu proizvajanja “ljudi brez papirjev”, prav tako pa predstavlja in poudarja samoorganizacijo prosilcev za azil in pomen socialnih centrov in odprtih avtonomnih prostorov.
Film je drug del filmskega para, ki ga sestavlja še kratki film “Razglednice” http://www.autor.si/razglednice.html.
Filmski par Nike Autor – “Poročilo o stanju azilne politike v republiki Sloveniji od januarja 2008 do avgusta 2009” in “Razglednice” – kritično dekonstruira dominanten diskurz, ki se nanaša na azilno in migracijsko politiko in v ostrem nasprotju z njim jasno in razločno pokaže na principe izključitve. Filma temeljita na refleksiji diskurzov, ki legitimirajo modus disciplinirajočih praks, ki uravnavajo družbeni položaj azilantov in konstruirajo njihovo subjektivnost ter identitete Opozarjata nas na marginalizacijo in diskriminacijo. Autorjeva namreč bistveno spreminja kot gledanja in legitimira prav tisto, kar je dominanten režim reprezentacije skril in izrinil. Povsem jasno pokaže, da je tisto, kar je zamolčal, ločitvena praksa. In prav z razbiranjem, kako je v reprezentacijski režim vpisana družbena hegemonija, Nika Autor odločilno spreminja obstoječi diskurz o azilni politiki. To pa seveda pomeni, da razgrajuje stereotipno reprezentacijo, saj je stereotip eno od ključnih mest, kjer se podrejenost in izključenost legitimirata. In prav tu je točka odpora, ki pokaže na mehanizme oblasti in nadzora, in razkrije razpoke v dominantni konstrukciji realnosti. Zahteva Autorjeve je pokazati, kaj ni bilo reprezentirano in kaj je ostalo neopaženo in prezrto ter tako pokazati na hegemonsko paradigmo. Reprezentacija torej ni politično nevtralni dogodek, saj na specifičen način legitimira svoj objekt videnja in deluje kot družbena praksa v kateri je pripoved neizogibno povezana s teritorijem oblasti, interesov in politike. (Sergej Kapus)
Sixty years ago, in the spring of 1945, Allied forces liberating Europe found evidence of atrocities which have tortured the world’s conscience ever since. As the troops entered the German concentration camps, they made a systematic film record of what they saw. Work began in the summer of 1945 on the documentary, but the film was left unfinished. FRONTLINE found it stored in a vault of London’s Imperial War Museum and, in 1985, broadcast it for the first time using the title the Imperial War Museum gave it, “Memory of the Camps.”
As the film’s history shows, it was a project that was supervised by the British Ministry of Information and the American Office of War Information. And during that summer of 1945 some of the documentary editing was done under the direction of Alfred Hitchcock.
“At the time we found the film, it was not entirely clear what role Hitchcock played in its development,” says David Fanning, executive producer of FRONTLINE. “Moreover, one reel of the original six, shot by the Russians, was missing. There was a typed script intact — undated and unsigned — but it had never been recorded.”
FRONTLINE took the film, added the script and asked the late British actor, Trevor Howard, to record it. The aim was to present the film unedited, as close as possible to what the producers intended in 1945.
“Memory of the Camps” includes scenes from Dachau, Buchenwald, Belsen and other Nazi concentration camps whose names are not as well known. Some of the horrors documented took place literally moments before the Allied troops arrived, as the Germans hurried to cover the evidence of what they had done.
Twenty years after FRONTLINE first aired it, “Memory of the Camps” remains one of the most definitive and unforgettable records of the 20th century’s darkest hour.
In this investigative biography of the outspoken and controversial Speaker, correspondent Peter J. Boyer takes an inside look at how Gingrich led the GOP to become the majority party and examines the childhood, people and events that shaped Gingrich’s personality and political career
For three decades Vice President Dick Cheney conducted a secretive, behind-closed-doors campaign to give the president virtually unlimited wartime power. Finally, in the aftermath of 9/11, the Justice Department and the White House made a number of controversial legal decisions. Orchestrated by Cheney and his lawyer David Addington, the department interpreted executive power in an expansive and extraordinary way, granting President George W. Bush the power to detain, interrogate, torture, wiretap and spy — without congressional approval or judicial review.
Now, as the White House appears ready to ignore subpoenas in the investigations over wiretapping and U.S. attorney firings, FRONTLINE examines the battle over the power of the presidency and Cheney’s way of looking at the Constitution.
“The vice president believes that Congress has very few powers to actually constrain the president and the executive branch,” former Justice Department attorney Marty Lederman tells FRONTLINE. “He believes the president should have the final word — indeed the only word — on all matters within the executive branch.”
After Sept. 11, Cheney and Addington were determined to implement their vision — in secret. The vice president and his counsel found an ally in John Yoo, a lawyer at the Justice Department’s extraordinarily powerful Office of Legal Counsel (OLC). In concert with Addington, Yoo wrote memoranda authorizing the president to act with unparalleled authority.
“Through interviews with key administration figures, Cheney’s Law documents the bruising bureaucratic battles between a group of conservative Justice Department lawyers and the Office of the Vice President over the legal foundation for the most closely guarded programs in the war on terror,” says FRONTLINE producer Michael Kirk. This is Kirk’s 10th documentary about the Bush administration’s policies since 9/11.
In his most extensive television interview since leaving the Justice Department, former Assistant Attorney General Jack L. Goldsmith describes his initial days at the OLC in the fall of 2003 as he learned about the government’s most secret and controversial covert operations. Goldsmith was shocked by the administration’s secret assertion of unlimited power.
“There were extravagant and unnecessary claims of presidential power that were wildly overbroad to the tasks at hand,” Goldsmith says. “I had a whole flurry of emotions. My first one was disbelief that programs of this importance could be supported by legal opinions that were this flawed. My second was the realization that I would have a very, very hard time standing by these opinions if pressed. My third was the sinking feeling, what was I going to do if I was pressed about reaffirming these opinions?”
As Goldsmith began to question his colleagues’ claims that the administration could ignore domestic laws and international treaties, he began to clash with Cheney’s office. According to Goldsmith, Addington warned him, “If you rule that way, the blood of the 100,000 people who die in the next attack will be on your hands.”
Goldsmith’s battles with Cheney culminated in a now-famous hospital-room confrontation at Attorney General John Ashcroft’s bedside. Goldsmith watched as White House Counsel Alberto Gonzales and Chief of Staff Andy Card pleaded with Ashcroft to overrule the department’s finding that a domestic surveillance program was illegal. Ashcroft rebuffed the White House, and as many as 30 department lawyers threatened to resign. The president relented.
But Goldsmith’s victory was temporary, and Cheney’s Law continues the story after the hospital-room standoff. At the Justice Department, White House Counsel Gonzales was named attorney general and tasked with reasserting White House control. On Capitol Hill, Cheney lobbied Congress for broad authorizations for the eavesdropping program and for approval of the administration’s system for trying suspected terrorists by military tribunals.
As the White House and Congress continue to face off over executive privilege, the terrorist surveillance program, and the firing of U.S. attorneys, FRONTLINE tells the story of what’s formed the views of the man behind what some view as the most ambitious project to reshape the power of the president in American history.
When the Twin Towers fell on Sept. 11, 2001, among the thousands killed was the one man who may have known more about Osama bin Laden and Al Qaeda than any other person in America: John O’Neill.
The former head of the FBI’s flagship antiterrorism unit in New York City, O’Neill had investigated the bombings of the U.S. embassies in Africa and the USS Cole in Yemen. For six years, he led the fight to track down and prosecute Al Qaeda operatives throughout the world. But his flamboyant, James Bond style and obsession with Osama bin Laden made him a controversial figure inside the buttoned-down world of the FBI. Just two weeks before Sept. 11, O’Neill left the bureau for a job in the private sector — as head of security at the World Trade Center. He died there after rushing back into the burning towers to aid in the rescue efforts.
FRONTLINE’s “The Man Who Knew,” chronicles John O’Neill’s story — a story that embraces the clash of personalities, politics and intelligence, offering important insights into both the successes and failures of America’s fight against terrorism.
Drawing on exclusive interviews with many of O’Neill’s closest friends and associates, this report opens with O’Neill’s introduction into the new world of terrorism — the capture in 1995 of one of the world’s most wanted terrorists — Ramzi Yousef, the ringleader of the group that bombed the World Trade Center in 1993.
Former U.S. Attorney Mary Jo White credits O’Neill with quickly grasping the danger Yousef and other terrorists represented to America.
“Yousef is one of the most dangerous people on the planet — also very smart,” she says. “Getting and incapacitating him was a significant public safety issue. And John O’Neill recognized that and was not about to take ‘no’ for an answer before he was taken into custody.”
O’Neill immersed himself into learning everything he could about global terrorism and Islamic fundamentalist militancy. In 1997, O’Neill was promoted to special agent in charge of the national security division in the bureau’s New York office. Observers say O’Neill grabbed at the chance to head the team that was investigating and prosecuting most major international terrorism cases. The job would also be the perfect base from which to continue his pursuit of bin Laden and Al Qaeda.
But while John O’Neill had succeeded in winning allies among CIA and international intelligence agencies, not everyone within the FBI was so enamored of him. A fixture on New York’s celebrity social circuit, O’Neill’s flamboyant style and his unconventional personal life — he had several longtime girlfriends and a wife he never divorced — had long raised eyebrows within the FBI.
“The Man Who Knew,” gives viewers an insider’s perspective on O’Neill’s investigations as well as the internal territorial debates among the FBI, the State Department, and the White House over how to deal with U.S. terrorist investigations in East Africa in August 1998 and the Yemen in October 2000.
“[O’Neill] believed the New York field office had the greatest depth of expertise of anybody in the country on this issue, and if it’s Al Qaeda, how could you send anybody else but the people who know the most?” recalls Fran Townsend, former head of the U.S. Justice Department’s office of intelligence policy.
O’Neill’s New York FBI team was at the center of bureacratic arm-wrestling over who would head the 1998 investigation into the embassy bombings in East Africa. O’Neill again was the focus of a heated political battle over the investigation of the 2000 attack against the USS Cole in Yemen. Current and former government officials such as Richard Clarke, counterterrorism chief in the Clinton administration and Barry Mawn, former head of the New York FBI office, recount how O’Neill’s desire to show the Yemeni security forces — which he viewed as being less than cooperative — that the FBI meant business was one of many issues in the investigation which angered U.S. Ambassador Barbara Bodine.
Finally, when O’Neill made a brief trip home to New York for Thanksgiving, Bodine denied his re-entry visa, preventing him from returning to the investigation. Insiders tell FRONTLINE that O’Neill’s removal from the scene in Yemen may have seriously limited the Cole investigation — an inquiry that some speculate might have led O’Neill to the Sept. 11 hijackers in time to foil their plans.
“The Man Who Knew” also chronicles O’Neill’s increasing frustration with Washington’s lax attitude toward the threat posed by bin Laden, including the possibility that Al Qaeda sleeper cells were already operating within the United States.
“What John O’Neill was trying to do was get a momentum going in the FBI to look seriously for those cells,” Clarke says. “It was not one of the priorities in most FBI field offices.”
By the summer of 2001, O’Neill had been so marginalized by FBI officials that key clues of the looming Sept. 11 plot apparently were never passed on to him. His 25-year career with the FBI would come to an end following bureau investigations into his temporary loss of a briefcase containing a classified report and charges that he used an FBI car to give a ride to his girlfriend. In August 2001, while the allegations were pending, O’Neill opted to retire from the bureau at age 49. Just eight days after he started his new job as director of security at the World Trade Center, the terrorists he had long pursued struck the towers.
O’Neill’s critics contend that his personal failings proved fatal to his FBI career. His supporters, however, believe his main failing was refusing to conform to the standard-issue FBI mold.
“John was somebody that bureaucrats were not always pleased with because they felt he wasn’t marching to their tune — that he was too ambitious and that he operated out of the box too often,” ABC producer Chris Isham tells FRONTLINE. “And this was an FBI that believed very much under the [FBI Director Louis] Freeh regime of operating within the box. This was a guy that was constantly pushing the envelope when the envelope didn’t want to be pushed. So the envelope fought back.”